On the Syntax of Fronted Adverbial Clauses in Two Tyrolean Dialects: The Distribution of Resumptive Semm

In this chapter we have shown that the two Tyrolean dialects Meranese and Mòcheno represent two privileged environments in which microvariation in the distribution of adverbial resumption can be investigated. By focusing on the distribution of the semantically bleached resumptive element semm (corresponding to locative “there” but also to temporal/consecutive “then”) in sentences featuring a fronted adverbial clause, we have shown that in both languages resumption is (i) restricted to fronted CACs, and (ii) ruled out with all considered PACs. Moreover, we have demonstrated that in both Meranese and Mòcheno semm is an XP and behaves as a generalized resumptive, since it can be used with different types of adverbials and is thus semantically bleached. However, it differs from the generalized resumptive elements discussed in Meklenborg (2020b) and Haegeman et al. (this volume), since it is never compatible with fronted nominal arguments. Finally, we have shown that in both varieties considered semm appears to be connected with the TP area, specifically with the realization of tense, as clearly shown by the data on reconstruction. Moreover, semm is compatible with different types of fronted CAC adverbial clauses, which we suggest all share the fact of being merged in the lower portion of the TP. (See Cinque 1999.)